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Author Archive

Spring 1971, West Berlin

Horst Mahler, Irene Goergens, and Ingrid Schubert go on trial, for their involvement in the release of Baader, in the criminal court of Moabit prison. Mahler is acquitted (though he still has two other charges pending), and Goergens and Schubert are convicted. Goergens gets six years and Schubert gets four.

April 12, 1971 Frankfurt am Main

Ilse “Tinny” Stachowiak is arrested at the train station in Frankfurt. She is recognized from her photograph on one of the millions of ubiquitous wanted posters seen throughout the Federal Republic.

Mid-February, 1971 Heidelberg

Siegfried Hausner and Carmen Roll of the Socialists Patients Collective (SPK) attempt to bomb the train of the Federal Republic’s president. They arrive too late at the train station and their plan is thwarted. Through the coming months the SPK begins to align itself with the the Red Army Faction; soon they stop signing their documents “SPK,” and began signing them “RAF.”

February 10, Frankfurt am Main

Baader-Meinhof Gang members Manfred Grashof and Astrid Proll are stopped by two undercover police agents. Grashof pulls out a pistol (Proll is unarmed) and they both run. One of the cops fires his pistol, missing both Grashof and Proll. Partially with the aid of a sympathetic passer-by, Grashof and Proll escape.

February 2, 1971 Federal Republic

Hans-Jürgen Bäcker, who left the group the previous year, is arrested.

Winter 1971, Federal Republic of Germany

Ulrike Meinhof is put in charge of writing a manifesto of the group. The result, “The Concept of the Urban Guerrilla,” is released in late winter, achieving wide circulation by May. On its cover is a logo: a rifle over a star, with the letters RAF on top of them. The rifle is a Kalashnikov Rifle, the Soviet-Bloc machine gun that they had grown to love in their Jordan training. “RAF” stands for the name the group has just christened itself as: “The Red Army Faction” (the Kalashnikov would later be replaced in the logo by the German-made Heckler and Koch machine pistol).

January 15, 1971 Kassel

Two Kassel banks are raided at the same time netting 115,000 DM. For one of the bank jobs, a BMW 2000 was stolen in Frankfurt. The BMW was one of the Baader-Meinhof Gang’s favorite cars to steal; because they were fast, easy to break into, and easy to hot-wire. In the coming year the group would become so associated with the sporty little Bavarian cars that people would joke that BMW stood for “Baader-Meinhof Wagen.”

January 1971, Federal Republic of Germany

Young Beate Sturm, member of the nascent Baader-Meinhof Gang and tired of being on the run, quietly returns home to her mother.

Early Winter 1971, Bonn

Always protective of their own sovereignty, the leaders of the various Länder (states) agree to allow a special section of the Bundeskriminalamt (BKA) to be created to oversee Germany’s anti-terrorism efforts. After the second World War, West Germany had been created as a loose confederation of states, with little in the way of an internal federal presence. There is no national police force on the order of America’s FBI, only the various Länder police forces. In the early 70s terrorists were able to take advantage of this decentralization by constantly traveling between the various states, whose police forces seldom shared information in a concerted manner.

But the exploits of the Baader-Meinhof Gang persuade the German states to allow for a federal intrusion on their rights. The BKA anti-terrorism commission is headed up by Alfred Klaus, who immediately set about writing a 60-page report on the group’s activity until that point.

December 1969, West Berlin

Filming begins on Ulrike Meinhof's (at right) telefilm "Bambule."

Filming begins on “Bambule,” a television film scripted by Ulrike Meinhof. The film is about a riot among the residents of a girls youth home.

Elsewhere in Berlin the brilliant leftist lawyer Horst Mahler begins to formulate a plan: he wants to create an Urban Guerrilla group modeled on Uruguay’s Tupamaros. Unlike the West Berlin Tupamaros that are active at the time, Mahler’s new group will be completely underground and would eschew pranks for real praxis.

November 1969, Paris

The Federal Court ends the temporary freedom of the four arsonists and demands they return to prison. Söhnlein complies but the other three flee Frankfurt and head to Paris. They stay at the apartment of Regis Debray, millionaire revolutionary who is serving a 30-year sentence in Bolivia for helping the efforts of Ché Guevara (Debray will be released the next year, 28 years early). Proll’s sister Astrid turns up to join the band. A few days later, in Strasbourg, the groups dumps Thorwald Proll; his days as a terrorist are over. The group sneaks into Italy and lays low.

June 13, 1969 Frankfurt am Main

The four convicted arsonists Andreas Baader, Gudrun Ensslin, Horst Söhnlein, and Thorwald Proll are released from prison pending review of their cases. Baader and Ensslin begin working at an “apprentices’ collective” — which is a youth home. Baader spends much of his time teaching the kids how to steal motorcycles.

Spring 1969 West Berlin

Ulrike Meinhof, having grown increasingly disillusioned with her life, divorces her husband, Klaus Rainer Röhl, and moves to Berlin. She continues to write for a while for Röhl’s konkret, but soon quits. Her fashionable Berlin apartment becomes a hangout for many in the left-wing Berlin scene.

February 27, 1969 West Berlin

American president Richard Nixon visits Berlin. Among the many Berliners waiting to greet him are Kommune I members Dieter Kunzelmann and Rainer Langhans. They attempt to bomb Nixon’s motorcade, but the bomb is discovered before it can be triggered. Kunzelmann and Langhans, apparently now members West Berlin Tupamaros (a precursor of Movement 2 June), are arrested.

April 4, 1968 Frankfurt am Main

Unable to keep their deeds a secret, Adnreas Baader and his proto-revolutionary comrades are arrested for the arsons.

April 2, 1968 Frankfurt am Main

Andreas Baader and Gudrun Ensslin, along with two comrades, eave bombs in the Schneider department store, causing $75,000 worth of damage.

Andreas Baader and Gudrun Ensslin head to Frankfurt am Main with two friends, Horst Söhnlein and Thorwald Proll. Baader has acquired quite a reputation as a “dangerous” sort by his constant calls for violent action. Invariably no one would choose to act on his “suggestions.” Today is different. This time Baader’s fellow comrades elect to take Baader up on his suggestion to burn down a department store.

Later that night Baader and Ensslin leave two time bombs in the Kaufhaus Schneider department store. Söhnlein and Proll leave a bomb in the Kaufhof store. At midnight the bombs go off, ultimately causing about $200,000 worth of damage. While the first flames appear, Ensslin is on a pay phone, screaming at the German Press Agency, “This is a political act of revenge!”

March 22, 1968 West Berlin

Fritz Teufel and Rainer Langhans of Kommune I are found Not Guilty of Incitement to Arson, for passing out the leaflets the previous spring. According to Baader-Meinhof biographer Jillian Becker, the expert witnesses agree, “the pamphlets were literary compositions, not to be acted on but for theoretical considerations only.” Theoretical to everyone, it seems, except Andreas Baader and his new girlfriend Gudrun Ensslin.

Mid-Summer 1967 West Berlin

Andreas Baader meets Gudrun Ensslin at a gathering. They fall in love immediately.

June 3, 1967 West Berlin

A ban on all protest signs and banners is put in effect on the streets of Berlin. A student, Peter Homann, comes up with an ingenious prank to get around the ban; dress up eight people in tee-shirts, each with a single giant letter painted on the front and back. When lined up side-by-side the group’s tee-shirts read A-L-B-E-R-T-Z-! — referring to Berlin Mayor Heinrich Albertz — and when the group turns around in unison, their backs read A-B-T-R-E-T-E-N — which means “resign.” Photos appear across West Germany the next day — on the far right, with a giant exclamation point on her chest, is Gudrun Ensslin. Despite Homann’s ingenuity, all eight protesters are arrested.

June 2, 1967 West Berlin

The Shah of Iran pays an official visit to Berlin. Thousands of students take to the streets to protest the Shah’s brutally repressive regime. Students seem to be protesting every week–everything, from the war in Vietnam, to the Grand Coalition between the two major German political parties, to university policies, were used as excuses to march. It is all quite a lot of fun.

Noted journalist Ulrike Meinhof certainly enjoys attending the protests. She is the former editor of the leftist magazine konkret (founded and still published by her soon-to-be ex-husband Klaus Rainer Röhl) and she has recently begun appearing on television political panel shows. Though she has her spoons in many pots, she still writes a twice-monthly column for konkret. Prior to the Shah’s arrival she wrote a biting critique in konkret of the out-of-touch nature of the Shah and his wife. But Meinhof can’t make the 2 June Berlin protest; she is busy shopping for furniture for her new Hamburg home.

A young troublemaker named Andreas Baader also misses the 2 June protest. He is cooling his heels in a Traunstein jail, serving time for stealing a motorcycle.

A reed-thin some-time student, Gudrun Ensslin, is able to make the protest. She too has been a regular fixture at many of the Berlin protests; in the coming months she often will show up pushing her young baby son along in a stroller. For the Shah protest, fortunately, she leaves her two-week old baby Felix with her estranged husband, Bernward Vesper.

In the early evening thousands of protesters begin lining up behind police barricades across the street from the Opera House where the Shah is about to attend a performance. A few protesters lob paint-filled balloons; but nothing comes close to the Shah, who slips into the Opera House without even noticing the protesters.

As the people begin to disperse, the cops surprise them. The police utilize a new technique that they have developed for terrorizing crowds; they call it “The Liver-Sausage Method.” Like a stuffed liver sausage, the crowd of demonstrators is stuffed long and tight on the sidewalk between the barricades and buildings. The cops form a wedge, and rush the middle of the “sausage.” The demonstrators naturally rush sideways–the sausage exploding at its ends–and into the flailing truncheons of hundreds more waiting police. Pandemonium rules. At one point the police grab one protester whom they believe to be a ringleader. Detective Sgt. Karl-Heinz Kurras points his gun at the protester’s head, and the guns goes off; possibly accidentally. Young Benno Ohnesorg, attending his first protest, is dead. The growing leftist movement gains a martyr.

Protesters stream away from the scene, in shock that the protest had turned deadly. Many students head towards the office of the SDS (a prominent student organization) on the Ku-Damm; Ensslin is among them. Inside Ensslin screams: “This fascist state means to kill us all! We must organize resistance. Violence is the only way to answer violence. This is the Auschwitz Generation, and there’s no arguing with them!”

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May 24, 1967 West Berlin

Two days after a devastating fire sweeps through a Brussels department store, members of Kommune I, a radical commune, pass out a leaflet at Berlin’s Free University which jokingly suggests that a good way to bring the Marxist Revolution home is to deliberately burn down department stores. Kommune I members Fritz Teufel and Rainer Langhans were arrested and charged with inciting arson.

October 8 1970, West Berlin

Acting on a tip, police stake out a Berlin apartment where they have been told that Baader, Ensslin, and Mahler will be meeting. Baader and Ensslin never show, but Mahler, Monika Berberich, Brigitte Asdonk and Irene Goergens are all captured.

Early October 1970, West Berlin

New recruits join the gang at a rapid clip. Jan-Carl Raspe and his girlfriend Marianne Herzog join, as does Ali Jansen.

September 29 1970, West Berlin

Three banks are robbed simultaneously in the early morning (a fourth bank job is canceled when the bank proves to be filled with construction workers). The robberies net over 200,000 DM. The newly-formed, yet still-unnamed “Red Army Faction” had partnered with Berlin-based revolutionary group “The June 2, Movement” to conduct the robberies.

September 1970, Italy

Stefan Aust, former editor of konkret, former friend of Ulrike Meinhof, and future biographer of the Baader-Meinhof Gang, meets up with group member Peter Homann, who had been kicked out of the group in Jordan. Homann tells Aust of Meinhof’s two daughters, Bettina and Regine, who are secretly being cared for by two hippies at the foot of Mt. Etna. In Jordan, Homann overheard Meinhof agreeing to send the kids to Jordan to be raised as Palestinian terrorists; now he was soliciting Aust’s help in returning the kids to their father.

Aust rescues the kids, returns them to their father, and for a while becomes a marked man of the Baader-Meinhof Gang.

Back in Berlin gang member Hans-Jürgen Bäcker recruits two motor mechanics, Karl-Heinz Ruhland and Eric Grusdat, into the periphery of the group. Mahler conceives of an audacious plan to rob four Berlin banks simultaneously.

June 8 1970, East Berlin

Half of the group sneaks into East Berlin, and then heads to the Jordan desert to a Palestinian training camp, to be followed by the rest of the group a week later. In Jordan the fledgling guerrillas learn how to shoot guns, throw grenades, and thoroughly annoy their Palestinian hosts. After two months the Palestinians are completely sick of their disrespectful German guests and send them on a plane out of Jordan. The gang heads back to Berlin.

June 2 1970, Federal Republic

Agit 883, a leftist underground newspaper in West Berlin, prints a communiqué claiming credit for securing Baader’s release from prison. Titled “Build up the Red Army!” and probably written by Ulrike Meinhof, the communiqué is the first time that the group uses the term “Red Army,” which later would give rise to their official name: Red Army Faction.

Source Documents: Original Agit 883 page with “Build Up the Red Army!” article
Communiqué: Build up the Red Army! – June 2, 1970 (English)
Communiqué: Build up the Red Army! – June 2, 1970 (German)

Late May 1970, West Berlin

The first German translation of Carlos Marighella’s “Minimanual of the Urban Guerrilla” is published in Germany for the first time. Marighella was a Latin American revolutionary who had been killed the previous year by Brazilian police. His manual offers concrete advice for bringing traditionally rural Revolutionary tactics into the city. Mahler eats it up and quickly indoctrinates the other members of his group in its teachings. Marighella’s first suggestion: get professional training.

Book: Carlos Marighella’s Minimanual of the Urban Guerrilla (full text)

May 14 1970, West Berlin

A car pulls up to the Dahlem Institute for Social Research. Two guards get out and escort a handcuffed Andreas Baader to the front door. An elderly employee of the Institute, Georg Linke, escorts them to the reading room, where Ulrike Meinhof waits. Baader’s cuffs are removed and he and Meinhof set to work.

Two garishly dressed girls arrive at the front door, Irene Goergens and Ingrid Schubert. Linke lets them in, but makes them sit in the hall until Meinhof and Baader are done in the reading room. The front doorbell rings again, and the two girls trip the electric lock to let in a masked woman (Ensslin), and a masked man sporting a loaded Beretta (the man has never been identified). As Linke rushes to escape, the man shoot him in the liver, critically wounding him. The four, all now with guns in their hands, burst into the reading room, shooting wildly (but aiming low). Meinhof and Baader jump out the large picture window, with the other three following quickly behind them. The police never fire their weapons, certainly fearful of another Benno Ohnsesorg-type tragedy. In the conservative Springer Press a name is born: “the Baader-Meinhof Gang.”

Meinhof’s “Bambule,” scheduled to air on Sunday, May 24, is pulled from the television schedule.

April 1970, West Berlin

Baader receives many visitors in his Tegel prison cell during his first month back in confinement. Mahler visits him many times, as does Berberich. Meinhof visits him as well, as does “Dr. Gretel Weitermeier,” who is actually his fugitive girlfriend, Ensslin.

A plan is formulated to get Baader out. It involves a ruse in which Meinhof will claim to prison officials that she has been contracted to write a book with Baader. Meinhof and Baader would need to study at a library outside of the prison, requiring a brief leave from the prison under armed guard. During the leave, a “commando unit” would release Baader. The only sticking point would be securing the cooperation of Meinhof. Knowing for certain that she would have to make a complete break from her current life, including giving up her children, Meinhof is quite reluctant to participate.

Ensslin goes to work on Meinhof. Despite all of Meinhof’s success in journalism, she is continually plagued by self-doubt. She worships the abrasive Ensslin, who was able to so successfully turn her Marxist theory into praxis with the Frankfurt bombings two years earlier. And Ensslin had so easily given up her own baby Felix in the name of the revolutionary cause. Ultimately Ensslin won Meinhof over with a combination of Ensslin’s shrill persuasiveness and Meinhof’s desire to belong. Meinhof begins making plans to send her kids underground immediately after the rescue of Baader. The action is set for mid-May.

The publishing house of Klaus Wagenbach is contacted and agrees to hire Baader and Ensslin; they are unaware that they are part of a ruse.

April 3 1970, West Berlin

On their way from picking up a buried stash of guns, Astrid Proll and Andreas Baader are stopped by police. The cops quickly deduce that Baader is not the “Peter Chenowitz” listed on his forged ID card, but are not quite sure who they have on their hands so they take him into custody. Mahler inadvertently gives away Baader’s identity the next morning when he calls the police station and asks for information about the arrest of “Herr Baader.” “Only if you can confirm that the person we have in custody is, in fact, Herr Baader,” replies the cop.

Mahler’s group quickly directs most of its efforts towards getting Baader out of jail.

Early March 1970, West Berlin

Baader and Ensslin meet up with Dieter Kunzelmann, whose West Berlin Tupamaros had been mildly terrorizing Berlin the previous year with humorous pranks, and potentially deadly bombs. Kunzelmann wants Baader and Ensslin to join his gang, but the talks break down when Baader suggests that he be the leader rather than Kunzelmann. Horst Mahler, the brilliant socialist lawyer, is at the meeting as well and encourages Baader and Ensslin to instead join up with the new group he is forming. Baader is more amenable to this suggestion; he figures that he can easily muscle Mahler aside once the group gets going.

Baader and Ensslin move out of Meinhof’s apartment into a less conspicuous pad. The members of Mahler’s new revolutionary army set about trying to secure weapons in their war on the Capitalist state. Among those involved at this early date are: Mahler, Baader, Ensslin, Astrid Proll, Manfred Grashof, his girlfriend Petra Schelm, and Mahler’s secretary Monika Berberich.

Late February 1970, West Berlin

Two visitors show up at Ulrike Meinhof’s door, needing a place to stay. Bettina and Regine are introduced to “Uncle Hans” and “Aunt Grete;” Andreas Baader and Gudrun Ensslin are back in Berlin.

February 1970, Heidelberg

A young psychiatrist working at Heidelberg University gets fired. Dr. Wolfgang Huber has angered the university officials with his unorthodox therapy methods. In response to his firing, Huber’s patients, mostly students, occupy the offices of Huber’s hospital director, who ultimately agrees to keep Huber on.

Huber’s radical psychiatric thesis is this: his patients are indeed sick. But their sickness is the product of Capitalist society, and the only way to cure them is to foment a Marxist revolution. Huber’s patients organize themselves and the Socialists Patients Collective (SPK) is born.

Winter 1970, West Berlin

Ulrike Meinhof moves from her Dahlem apartment to an apartment on the fashionable Ku-Damm street, along with her twin daughters Bettina and Regine. Filming ends on “Bambule” and editing begins in preparation for a May air date.

Podcast 27: Bombing Witness Allyn Phillips Interview

An interview with Allyn Phillips, friend and colleague to three US servicemen killed by the Baader-Meinhof Gang in Heidelberg in 1972.
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Podcast 26: The Politics of Burying Terrorists

We compare how the US buried bin Laden with how the bodies of Ensslin, Raspe, and Baader were buried.

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Podcast 25: How Heated Rhetoric Helped Give Birth to Baader-Meinhof

The deadly Arizona shooting offers interesting and tragic parallels to the heated environment and rhetoric that helped give birth to the era of the Baader-Meinhof Gang.

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Podcast 24: Artist David Chesworth Interview

David Chesworth, Australian artist has a new exhibit exploring Gerhard Richter’s magisterial and controversial Baader-Meinhof cycle of paintings. I speak with Chesworth about his exhibit and the representation of history through art.

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Podcast 23: The Baader-Meinhof Wagen

The sporty, economical little BMW 2002 became forever linked with the the Baader-Meinhof Gang after it became their supposed car of choice to steal, earning it the nickname “the Baader-Meinhof Wagen.” The wagen on the cover of this podcast is mine!

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Podcast 22: Siegfried Haag: Lawyer, Terrorist

Publicly, Siegfried Haag was a lawyer for the Red Army Faction. But secretly he was the de facto head of the terrorist organization, planning violent actions across the Federal Republic.

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Podcast 21: Fritz Teufel is Dead

Fritz Teuful, co-founder of Kommune 1, clown prince of the Berlin student movement, and inspiration of the Baader-Meinhof Gang, died this week at 67.

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Podcast 20: Interview with art legend Robert Storr

Robert Storr, Dean of the Yale Graduate school of Art and formerly of the Museum of Modern Art, discusses his acquisition of Gerhard Richter’s famous cycle of Baader-Meinhof-inspired paintings for MoMA.

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Podcast 19: The Gamest Bastard of All: Paul Bloomquist

A Memorial day tribute to Lt. Col. Paul Bloomquist, the first American victim of the Baader-Meinhof Gang.

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Podcast 18: It was 40 Years Ago Today… The Birth of Baader-Meinhof

Forty years ago today Ulrike Meinhof helped break Andreas Baader from police custody, giving birth to the Baader-Meinhof Gang.
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Podcast 17: Interview with Author Hans Kundnani

An interview with author Hans Kundnani about his new book, “Utopia or Auschwitz,” an exploration of the complicated relationship of the German ’68er generation and the Holocaust.

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Podcast 16: Interview with Urban Guerrilla Bommi Baumann

Interview with former West German Urban Guerrilla Michael “Bommi” Baumann. Pay attention to the moment when Richard find out that this is the man who build the bombs that could have killed his parents.

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Podcast 15: Bombing Victim Peter Glyer Interview

An interview with Baader-Meinhof bombing victim Peter Glyer.

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Podcast 13: Chuck Huffman and Vicki Burkholder Interview

Chuck Huffman and Vicki Burkholder, parents of the creator of baader-meinhof.com, talk about Chuck’s experience defusing West German terrorist bombs in the early 1970s.

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Podcast 11: On the Arrest of Verena Becker

The April 2010 arrest of Verena Becker puts the Baader-Meinhof Group back in the news.

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Podcast 10: Music Icon Luke Haines Interview

An interview with legendary British musician Luke Haines about his seminal 1996 concept album “Baader-Meinhof.”

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Podcast 9: Bombing Witness Larry David Young Interview

An interview with Larry David Young, witness to the tragic Baader-Meinhof bombing of the Frankfurt V Corp HQ in 1972. A very long talk with a very interesting man.

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Podcast 8: Musician Chris Cooley Interview

Chris Cooley of the Tulsa band tHE pORTRAYL, talks about his interest in the Baader-Meinhof era and his song “Stammheim.”

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Podcast 7: On the Term “Baader-Meinhof”

How did the term “Baader-Meinhof” come into common usage and why was it controversial?

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Podcast 6: Historian Martin Klimke Interview

Author Martin Klimke talks about the German and American student movements of the 60s.

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Podcast 5: Author and Bombing Witness Ron Jacobs Interview

Noted author Ron Jacobs talks about witnessing a Baader-Meinhof bombing, and his work documenting the Weather Underground.

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Podcast 4: Talking Heads’ Life During Wartime

Talking Heads’ “Life During Wartime” was inspired by the Baader-Meinhof Gang; we discuss.

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Podcast 3: Director Jessica Yu Interview

Oscar-winning filmmaker Jessica Yu talks about “Protagonist,” which features an extensive interview with former terrorist Hans-Joachim Klein.

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Podcast 2: Meinhof Scholar Sarah Colvin Interview

Professor Sarah Colvin talks about her fantastic new book exploring the language of Ulrike Meinhof.

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Interview: Bob Berwyn, Witness to 1972 and 1976 Bombings

Bob Berwyn has the rare distinction to have witnessed two separate Red Army Faction Bombings as well as a deadly neo-Nazi bombing at the Munich Oktoberfest in 1980.

On May 11, 1972, 15-year-old Bob Berwyn was watching a film at the US Army base’s theater when he heard an muffled explosion nearby. After a few minutes the theater was evacuated and Bob made his way near where the blast when off (in an annex building of the enormous IG Farben building). The bomb, one of three pipe bombs left by Andreas Baader, Gudrun Ensslin, Jan-Carl Raspe, and Holger Meins, killed Lt. Col. Paul Bloomquist and injured more than a dozen others.

Four years later, members of the Red Army Faction again bombed the IG Farben building. calling themselved the “Ulrike Meinhof Commando” in honor of the recent prison death of Ulrike Meinhof, this unit’s bomb injured 17 people. And Bob happened to be in in an adjoining section of the building.

And as if to prove the terrorism has no true ideology, Bob was attending Munich’s famed Oktoberfest celebration in 1980 when a neo-Nazi’s pipe bomb went off, killing more than a dozen revelers.

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The massive IG Farben building of Frankfurt, site of a 1972 bombing by the Baader-Meinhof Gang. The large annex building behind the main building is the Terrace Club, home of the Officer's Club, where Lt. Col Paul Bloomquist lost his life and 17 people wer injured when two bombs went off (smaller green circle). Another bomb, placed inside the main building, destroyed a magazine stand and injured many more (larger green circle). The bombs caused and estimated $718,000 in damage.

Interview: Bernd Eichinger, writer and producer of the Baader-Meinhof Complex

Baader-Meinhof Complex Director Uli Edel confers with Writer-Producer Bernd Eichinger on the set of the film.

The late Bernd Eichinger, the writer behind the Baader-Meinhof Complex, was the most succesful film producer in Germany (he died early in 2011). His last three films from Germany are the most expensive and among the most successful German films of all time: Downfall, Perfume: the Story of a Murderer, and the Baader-Meinhof Complex. He has also been a lead producer on numerous Hollywood blockbusters such as the Fantastic Four and Resident Evil franchises. This interview was conducted in October of 2009.

Richard Huffman Thank you so much for taking a few moments of time to discuss the Baader-Meinhhof Complex. Can you tell me how you came to this project? Did you pursue this project or was it brought to you?
Bernd Eichinger The subject matter of “The Baader Meinhof Complex” has been developinginside my head for almost 30 years. Already in 1979, I’d tried to make a film about Ulrike Meinhof. In many ways she reminded me of my late sister who was also part of the radical left and at one point very close to extremist circles. My sister and I were always very close, but as much as I tried I couldn’t understand her rationalization of political violence. To me political violence is and has always been a no-go. You cannot create a peaceful society by bombing the hell out of people.

In any case, 1979 proved to be too early for me to make a film about German terrorism. Not enough research had been done, the RAF was still in full swing and I was still too immature as a person and too inexperienced as a filmmaker. Only in 2006 did I feel the time was right for me to tackle the monster that had been haunting me for all these years. I heard that Stefan Aust was thinking about turning his book “The Baader Meinhof Complex” into a docudrama for TV so I contacted him and said “let’s do this for the big screen.”

Richard Huffman Did working on this film change your opinion about the Red Army Faction and the Baader-Meinhof era?
Bernd Eichinger By writing the script I forced myself to get inside the heads of people I’d distanced myself from for all these years. This was a very intense experience. I’ve come out of this experience with a great feeling of sadness – so many lives lost, so much energy wasted, all those ideals betrayed.

Richard Huffman Aust’s book, which is clearly the masterwork of the canon of Baader-Meinhof literature, is more than 20 years old at this point. Why was now the right time for this film? Do you think that this film could have been made 20 years ago?
Bernd Eichinger I cannot speak for other people, but I as a filmmaker couldn’t have made “The Baader Meinhof Complex” 20 years earlier. In 1988 I’d just made “Name of the Rose” and I was shooting “Last Exit to Brooklyn” in New York with Uli Edel. I was in a completely different headspace. And my own headspace is what drives me as a filmmaker not what I think other people might find interesting or timely.

Richard Huffman I was struck by your choices in adapting this book. In a way it reminded me of Curtis Hanson’s LA Confidential in that he took a sprawling and complex book and made brilliant, sprawling and complex film. Was there ever a thought to paring down the story or did you always envision it in its final form? Can you compare your task with this film with your previous work adapting Perfume: the Story of a Murderer?
Bernd Eichinger I wanted to throw the audience into the wild torrent of events that took place between 1967 and 1977. I wanted them to feel how the vicious circle of violence spiraled out of control. So there was never any thought of pairing down the story in order for the audience to identify with one particular character. Characters appear, many of them remain nameless, and if they play no further part in the story they disappear again. There is no-one with whom the viewer can identify, because I did not want to bind the film emotionally to one character. If I had done this I would have provided an interpretation – and that is exactly what I wanted to avoid. Characters appear, many of them remain nameless, and if they play no further part in the story they disappear again.

And yes, there are parallels between “Perfume” and “Baader Meinhof Complex.” Both films work via fascination rather than identification. You do not identify with the protagonists in either movie, but you find yourself compelled to watch them. This dispenses with one of the basic rules of script writing, which says that the viewer should always be able to root for a protagonist. It was fun to try a different a different way of story telling. I already tried to do so in ”Downfall,” but not to such an extreme extent.

Richard Huffman How important was it to you to film in many of the actual location where the events took place? In particularly I am thinking of the June 2nd Berlin riot. To me it felt almost documentary-like in its accuracy…
Bernd Eichinger Accuracy and authenticity was very important because the viewer instinctively knows when something is not quite right. Also, when you’re dealing with a story that shows the deaths of real people you have a responsibility as a filmmaker. There was something very eerie about filming the June 2nd demonstration. We’d closed off a 8-lane Boulevard in Berlin, which is one of the main streets leading through Berlin. As far as the eye could see, the street was empty but for our actors/extras, prop cars and set decoration. It was an incredible sight. It was the second day of the shoot and it felt like we’d entered a time warp. There were many extras who had been at the actual demonstration in 1967 and many of them came up to me and my team and told us how moved they were. And that everything really looked and felt like it had then. Believe it or not, one of the extras, who played a policeman was actually a real policeman and had had his first day on duty during the actual demonstration on June 2nd 1967. He’s about to retire now….. You can see him in the first shot of the demonstration – he’s the policeman with the big white moustache.

Richard Huffman The film uses the famous 1971 wanted poster of the Baader-Meinhof Group as a visual reference point throughout the film. Can you talk about using this poster throughout the film?
Bernd Eichinger The poster was omnipresent in German public life for decades. Every post office, every public place there’d be one. And it constantly changed: People who were captured or shot dead were crossed out. That was a very shocking and brutal image and thus it provided us with a powerful visual shorthand.

Terrorists capture Hanns-Martin Schleyer and kill his driver and bodyguards in the film Der Baader-Meinhof Komplex.

Richard Huffman How did Uli Edel come to the project? I know that you have worked with him many times, beginning with the remarkable film Christiane F. But what made him seem like the right director for this project? Among the surprises the film offered me was his excellent handling of the action sequences. The scene detailing with the capturing of Hanns-Martin Schleyer is certainly among the most wrenching and brutally effective sequences about a terrorist act ever filmed. I don’t think I breathed once during the whole sequence.
Bernd Eichinger Uli was my first choice as a director for this movie. I’ve known him since our first day at Munich Film School 38 years ago, so I know what a great and energetic filmmaker he is. I know he can handle anything, no matter what. In my opinion he’s one of the best film directors alive. To see what a great action director he can be, you only have to watch the riot sequence in “Last Exit to Brooklyn,” to name just one example.

Richard Huffman What was the reaction you expected from the public for the film? Did some of the controversy surprise you?
Bernd Eichinger I knew this film would be controversial but I had not anticipated the scale of the controversy it provoked in Germany. It was absolutely astonishing. In the week prior to the German release of the film, the press went berserk. The film was front-page news in every major German newspaper. Some of the most sophisticated critics totally lost their composure and tried to tear us to shreds. I’m no stranger to controversy but in all my 30 odd years as a filmmaker I hadn’t experienced anything like it. Outside of Germany the reactions were quite different.

Richard Huffman Some critics have accused the film of glorifying terrorism. Do they have a point? Would there have been a way to film this story without seeming to glorify terrorism in the minds of some?
Bernd Eichinger The film doesn’t moralize or push a message down people’s throat, but that doesn’t mean it glorifies violence. On the contrary, I hope people will come out of this movie concluding that violence will only lead to more violence. If that’s something you find appealing, you should be in therapy, not in a movie theatre. And I’m a filmmaker, not therapist.

Andreas Baader and Gudrun Ensslin had a real sense of style and pose – the fast cars, the clothes, the hair, the sunglasses… all that was very deliberate and it worked. They were like political rock stars. Apart from anything else, they had great sex appeal. We had to show that in order to convey why people mesmerized by them.

Richard Huffman Many films have supposedly inspired criminal or dangerous acts, from Rififi, to the Deer Hunter, to Fight Club. After the notorious financier Bernie Madoff was arrested this summer, someone broke into his Florida home and stole a statue; later quietly returning it with a card that said “Your days of plenty are numbered, signed the Edukators”… clearly inspired directly from the 2004 German film “Die Fetten Jahre Sind Vorbei.” Do you have a concern that some young people might be moved to emulate the people of your film?
Bernd Eichinger No. We didn’t romanticize what the RAF did, we showed what happened and what it lead to. And I don’t think that’s anything anyone would want to repeat.

Richard Huffman Do you ever see a return of left-wing terror groups like the Red Army Faction coming to Germany or Europe?
Bernd Eichinger No. But we do live in times of terror.

Richard Huffman Your film treats the strange deaths in Stammheim much the Aust originally treated them in his book; you lay out exactly how they could have killed themselves (the smuggled guns, etc), and internal motivations for suicide, but you leave their deaths off-screen and mysterious. In the new foreword to Aust’s book he directly calls the deaths suicides; though he acknowledges that there will never be any way to prove the case one way or another. Did you consider treating their deaths differently? Do have an opinion on how they died?
Bernd Eichinger Today, after all the inquiries and all the research being done, there’s no question that they committed suicide. However, there were no witnesses, so it would have been preposterous to show them committing suicide. It’s for that same reason that I didn’t show Adolf Hitler committing suicide in “Downfall.” Apart from the fact that it would have been a cheap and ghastly money shot, it’s an impossible scene to write because we have no eye-witnesses, no sense of how it happened.

Richard Huffman This is a personal, non-Baader-Meinhof question. As the writer of Downfall, the superb film about Hitler’s final days, I’m sure you’ve seen your work parodied on youtube literally hundreds of times with the various “Hitler Mash-up” videos. What do you think of those videos? If you find them at all amusing, do you have a favorite? Or are they too inappropriate? I confess that I find “Downfall of Grammar” pretty amusing:

[youtube=http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=f8fbrUjjivw w=550]

Bernd Eichinger I find those parodies tremendously amusing! Obviously, the film and this scene in particular is a real fire starter for people’s imagination. What else can you hope for as a filmmaker? This is moviemaking heaven! My favorite one is when Hitler is having his tantrum over his losses in the real estate crisis. Hitler’s real crisis at the time was also about a gigantic real estate loss: the loss of all those territories he had conquered fuelled by false credit and driven by avarice, megalomania and extreme ruthlessness. And then history’s Down Jones came crushing down on him….I find this parody so funny because it’s historically relevant.

Podcast 1: Author Jennifer Egan Interview

Celebrated author Jennifer Egan has been writing compelling fiction for years; her works appearing in the New Yorker, the New York Times and other outlets, and her celebrated novels garnering considerable critical and public acclaim. Her first novel, 1995’s The Invisible Circus, features a young American woman who travels to Europe to trace the footsteps of her dead sister, who had impulsively joined up with the Baader-Meinhof Gang and later the June 2nd Movement.

Made into a major motion picture starting Jordana Brewster and Cameron Diaz, the Invisible Circus is a deeply affecting work. Though it’s only one of many themes in the book, It’s explanation of the motivations of the older sister is as great of a primer for understanding how and why so many young Germans came to become members of the Baader-Meinhof Gang as you’ll likely ever read.

In this interview I explore with Jennifer Egan how she came to write about the Baader-Meinhof Gang, and the emotional territory generated by the excitement and regret of the radical decisions of youth.

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Interview: Meinhof Scholar Karin Bauer

Karin Bauer, professor at Montreal’s McGill University, has published a superb addtion to the tiny canon of English language books about the Baader-Meinhof Era. The wonderfully-named “Everybody Talks about the Weather… We Don’t” features a pentrating essay by Bauer as well as English translations of Meinhof’s most important essays published in konkret magazine throughout the sixties. Baader-Meinhof.com’s Richard Huffman interviewed Bauer via e-mail.

Richard Huffman What fascinates you about Ulrike Meinhof; what led you to want to study her and her work?
Karin Bauer Ulrike Meinhof is one of the most important voices of her generation. I want to draw attention to her writing and against the myriad of voices speaking about Meinhof, I want to let Meinhof for herself. Meinhof’s voice is unique. Her idiosyncratic style is incisive, sharp, and polemical; her rhetorical brilliance is her weapon and has a powerful effect on the reader. This is very difficult to render in English, but the translator with whom I worked, Luise von Flotow, did a marvelous job in getting across the urgency and immediacy of Meinhof’s texts. Luise’s translation allows Meinhof’s voice to speak in another language.
I study the protest culture of the sixties and Meinhof and konkret were at the vanguard of this culture. They were an integral part of the German counter-culture, they had their fingers on its pulse and helped shape it. Meinhof belonged to the generation of Germans born during and immediately after the Second World War. This generation grew up during and/or with the legacy of National Socialism. They grew up with the guilt and shame of belonging to a people that had committed unspeakable crimes against humanity. Meinhof felt that it was her moral duty not only to see to it that this would never happen again, but to go a step further and establish an open and democratic society in Germany—a society where the freedom of those who think differently is respected and where justice and equality for all are the fundamental principles of political action. Her relentless criticism of postwar German politics and society must be seen in the context of the idealism she shared with many others.
I don’t want to see her as a martyr for the cause, however, but take her seriously as a political activist. In the 50s and early 60s, she was a committed protestant pacifist who came of age with her work in the anti-nuclear and Easter March movements. As was a passionate opponent of the Vietnam War and hoped that political reason would overcome cold war tensions. She was a fervent anti-fascist and as a gesture of defiance against the West German government banning its political opposition to the left, Meinhof became a member of the Communist Party. During the 60s she was—along with the protest movement—increasingly radicalized. Her columns deal with the most pressing issues of her days and are testimony to her enthusiasm for the protest movement and her increasing frustration in the face of police brutality against student protesters and the curtailment of civil liberties by the German government.
Meinhof also was an important—and largely ignored—voice speaking out for the rights and dignity of marginal groups in society, such as institutionalized youth and women. Her columns are increasingly concerned with the role of women in society.
In bringing her writings to an English-speaking public and through my introductory essay, I would like to offer a more nuanced image of Meinhof that has been circulated in the media. I want to focus on Meinhof before 1970 when she co-founded the RAF.
On a more personal note, my motivation arises from my own background as somebody active in Germany in the 70s on the leftist fringe. I was close to the events taking place and could have been part of what is called the second generation of the RAF. I sympathized with the causes and sentiments, but objected to violence. I couldn’t see how the exercise of violence or counter-violence could affect the kind of progressive changes toward which many were working. I also despised the anti-intellectualism of the “primacy of praxis” and “the propaganda of deeds” advocated by the RAF. Theory, criticism, philosophy, art, and culture are integral activities of the public sphere and without them we would indeed be doomed to fall into the kind of barbarism we are trying to fight.

Richard Huffman You’re obviously spending a lot of time reading her writings in konkret through the 60s… has there been anything you’ve read that has struck you as either particularly relevant or prescient for modern western society?
Karin Bauer Meinhof’s text are rooted in the concerns of her time: the global march of capitalism, consumerism, the curtailment of civil liberties, the increasing surveillance by the state, the intrusion of the state into the private life of its citizens, the manipulation by the media, the mind numbing stupidity of television and the entertainment industry, the war in Vietnam and the moral responsibility to stop the slaughter of innocent people. All of this strikes me as relevant for today’s society. What also strikes me as a shared concern with Meinhof is thinking about how to effect political change, how to reach a public or how to shape a kind of counter-public to the mainstream that is willing to engage with urgent political questions theoretically and practically. What are the possibilities and methods of intervention? These are strategic and ethic questions faced everyday by anti-war, anti-torture, anti-globalization, human rights, Green Peace, and other activists.

Richard Huffman One could possibly describe Meinhof as the “accidental terrorist” because she most likely did not plan on joining Baader and Ennslin that day in May of 1970—rather she was probably just planning on being their supposedly unknowing accomplice. But viewing her life through the sixties in another way, it almost seems like going underground like she did was the clear trajectory that her life was heading. Have you found any insight into her through her writings that helps you understand her later actions?
Karin Bauer There has been much speculation about Meinhof’s jump out the window during the liberation of Baader. It’s hard to say what went on in her head as the liberation went awry, when one of the liberators shot a building attendant. The jump out of the window was her jump into illegality. It was reckless—the RAF was reckless. Her jump into illegality was not planned, but it was also not entirely unexpected. Although Meinhof’s radicalization is evident in her writings throughout the 60s, I want to caution about telling Meinhof’s story, as is often done, as a straight-forward descent into violence. The columns show a much more nuanced picture of Meinhof’s engagement. Her political and personal development did not lead inevitably into violence and personal disaster—to tell the story this way is to discredits her writing, her activism, and her advocacy of the rights of marginalized groups. Certainly, the increasing frustration with the scant results of the protest movement led many toward contemplating more militant strategies of effecting change. But there are elements of chance, historical accident, personal choice involved in the decision to go underground. Meinhof’s marriage had broken apart and she thought that her writing had no impact. One of her last columns entitled “Columnism” reflects on the limits of writing; it contains a bitter critique of writing as a medium of communication, but also of writing as an industry. Then there is the timing of Meinhof’s meeting with Gudrun Ensslin and Andreas Baader, which happened during a transformative stage of her life.

As far as insights into her psyche are concerned, I would say one central one is her sense of commitment to the cause of fighting for a better society and her unwavering solidarity with the group that no longer showed any solidarity with her. As Elfriede Jelinek points out in the foreword to the book, Germans did not want to hear Meinhof while she still had something important and intelligible to say.
Meinhof could have done great things. Her jump into illegality was a great loss to the German left and to German society on the whole. Meinhof’s death in prison marks the tragic end to a life that could have been a bright light in German postwar democracy. She died as a lonely person. Although she would not admit it in public, she knew she had failed: As a writer by giving up the typewriter and her individual voice in favor of the gun and collective dogmatism; as a mother by giving up her children for a political cause; as an anti-fascist fighting against the violence which she perpetuated. Meinhof killed herself on May 8, 1976, the 31 anniversary of the end of WW II, but perhaps even more significant: It was Mother’s Day.

Richard Huffman Are there any modern Ulrike Meinhofs? Not necessarily someone who’s gone underground; but someone with a powerful voice fighting the perceived injustices of the western world?
Karin Bauer If you mean by that Ulrike Meinhof before 1970 then there are, I am sure, Ulrike Meinhofs everywhere: voices of women and men who speak up against injustice. But it’s difficult to split Meinhof into two, into a pre- and post-1970 person; one Meinhof can not be had without the other.
Thus, we can only hope that the dissenting voices today can make themselves heard and that they will not turn to violence and, instead, find creative methods of effecting change.

Richard Huffman Some would argue Meinhof and others of her era delivered nothing but criticism of the problems of capitalist society, but offered nothing in the way of rational alternatives. What do you think?
Karin Bauer That’s a very interesting question that I would like to answer by referring to some of the leading theoretical voices of dissent. Leading intellectuals in the 60s, such as Theodor W. Adorno, Herbert Marcuse, and Ernst Bloch, refused to provide a positive utopian design. Their utopia was a negative one: They thought to exercise resistance against the status quo, against the universal context of delusion, against bad reality, but did not construct a positive utopian vision. Rather than wanting to institute some concrete vision of what society should be like, they referred to the absence of oppression out of which the positive would arise. Adorno compared this to the Jewish taboo of the image of the Highest, i.e. the taboo to portray God, the Ideal, the utopian nowhere. Seen in this context, Meinhof negated the status quo and fought for the abolition of what is. There was no room—yet—for indulging in positive utopian visions.

Richard Huffman What are your thoughts on the adoption in recent years of Baader-Meinhof iconography into hipster clothing and other outlets? Specifically I’m thinking of the whole Prada Meinhof line of about 5 years ago that featured shirts, bandanas another other accessories. I even offer reproductions of the two famous wanted posters for sale on my site. Do you think that the people buying this stuff are missing some fundamental points about Meinhof? (Don’t worry, you won’t hurt my feelings if you have any issues with me selling the posters).
Karin Bauer The posters you sell are important historical documents, and I’ve ordered them myself. I take a different view than most on the Prada-Meinhof issue. In contrast to the condemnations of the pop-cultural commodification of the RAF, I think those criticizing the trivialization or depolitization of the RAF are missing the point. I am convinced that behind the attraction of Meinhof and the RAF hides a deeper longing for an ideal. What motivates someone to buy a Meinhof t-shirt? It’s cool. But why is it cool? I think behind the perceived coolness hides the desire—especially by the younger generation—for the trace of something better. Meinhof and the RAF believed in something and they were willing to put their lives on the line. Meinhof and the RAF had ideals and a group identity. And there was the sense that they might just succeed, that things could be changed. Their world view was black and white. It was clear who was good and who was bad. The younger generation looks at this with awe and disbelieve. There is some nostalgia for revolutionary times when people still had ideals and where willing to fight for big causes and big ideas. So behind every poster you sell might lurk a desire for change. How many do you sell? [Richard Huffman: I’ve sold about 400 posters and about 200 stickers… about 30% in the US, 30% in the UK, and 40% mostly to Europe, with a few to Australia as well].

Richard Huffman Why should we care about Ulrike Meinhof in 2008? Why should North Americans care about her?
Karin Bauer We should care about Meinhof for all the reasons I have outlined above. Why, specifically, North Americans should care about her? I’d love to hear from readers how they see Meinhof and how they perceive her relevance for the challenges we face today. I am very much looking forward to discussions with readers in order to get to know their understanding and reactions to Meinhof. My first reading and discussion with readers will be at Third Place Books in Lake Forest Park on June 13.

Interview: Scott Tatina, Bombing Witness

May 11, 1972. Andreas Baader, Gudrun Ensslin, Jan-Carl Raspe, and Holger Meins and possibly others leave three pipe bombs around Frankfurt’s IG Farben building, which housed the Supreme Allied Command of the US military. In the early evening, the three bombs go off in rapid succession. One bomb, planted inside the main building, destroys a magazine stand and injures dozens. Two bombs, planted in the Officer’s Club behind the IG Farben building, shatters a pane of glass, sending a shard into the neck of Lt. Col. Paul Bloomquist. Bloomquist dies at the scene, following a massive loss of blood.

A few hundred yards away from the blasts, Scott Tatina and his friends are walking through the adjoining park when they hear the first bomb go off, followed by two more. They run towards the Officer’s Club, arriving in time to help a young soldier with a tramautic shrapnel wound to his back.

In a communique released after the bombings, the Baader-Meinhof Gang would claim that the attack was in response to the United States’ mining of North Vietnamese harbors. Lt. Bloomquist would be the first American victim in the Baader-Meinhof Gang’s war on American Imperialism.

The following interview was conducted with Tatini on May 22, 2009

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The massive IG Farben building of Frankfurt, site of a 1972 bombing by the Baader-Meinhof Gang. The large annex building behind the main building is the Terrace Club, home of the Officer's Club, where Lt. Col Paul Bloomquist lost his life and 17 people wer injured when two bombs went off (smaller green circle). Another bomb, placed inside the main building, destroyed a magazine stand and injured many more (larger green circle). The bombs caused and estimated $718,000 in damage.

2002 3AM Magazine interview with Richard Huffman

2002 3AM Magazine interview with Richard Huffman

3AM/Andrew Stevens I suppose I should begin by asking: why Baader-Meinhof? What inspired you to put together this site and sit down to write a book on the subject?

Richard Huffman Until about 1996 I was completely unaware of the Baader-Meinhof Gang or left-wing European terrorism for that matter. I was having lunch with my dad and he disparaged in a passing comment the bomb squad efforts of the FBI. I was surprised to say the least; what would my dad know about effective bomb disposal? He told me that when our family was stationed in Berlin in the early 70s he was the head of the US Army’s Berlin Brigade bomb disposal unit and he had defused about six or seven bombs of the Baader-Meinhof Gang.

I wasn’t sure what to make of my dad’s story; so I checked out some books from my university library. Slowly I began to realise that it was all true; the US Army picked the right guy when they hired my dad, he had never really told me or anyone in his family about what he had done in Berlin. My mom knew, but she never realized what a big deal it was or how dangerous it was until I talked to her about it in 1997. So this revelation got me interested in the subject. I think the fact that my dad seems to completely not care that some of these bombs were directly targeted at him was influential in my attempts to cover this subject as fairly and objectively as possible. After a few months of research I began to realise that the bombs he defused were almost certainly from the Movement 2 June, who were somewhat friendly with the Baader Meinhof Gang, but the bombs weren’t actually Baader-Meinhof Gang bombs.

Quickly my research became my senior project at the University of Washington-Bothell. While working on my research, I bemoaned the lack of information about the Baader-Meinhof Gang on the Internet and the general inaccuracies of the information. The unfortunate reality of the information available was that it only seemed to come in two flavors:
1) Baader-Meinhof and the other revolutionary groups were glorious martyrs for a good cause, and 2) Baader-Meinhof and the other terrorist groups were pure evil, probably controlled from Moscow. I felt that the net would benefit from a site that tried to be as factual as possible, and refrain from too much editorialising.

3AM/Andrew Stevens On that note, why do you think there was a dearth of objective journalistic or academic information sources on Baader-Meinhof?

Richard Huffman At the time I originally created the site there wasn’t a single comprehensive source of information about the Baader-Meinhof Gang and what WAS out there was almost uniformly, somewhat comically, slanted. A good bellwether for me was seeing how a site treated the deaths of Ulrike Meinhof in 1976 and the deaths of Jan-Carl Raspe, Andreas Baader, and Gudrun Ensslin in 1977. Pretty much it’s a given that if you’re leftist or radical you believe that they were murdered by the state in their prison cells. It’s also pretty much a given if you are mainstream or conservative you believe that they committed suicide. I personally believe that the facts demonstrate that it is an almost certainty that the deaths were suicide; the greatest achievement of Stefan Aust’s Der Baader-Meinhof Komplex was his demonstration that the deaths were likely suicides. (Aust was a friend of Meinhof’s who followed her as editor of the lefty political journal Konkret and later became the editor of Der Spiegel.)

What frustrated me was sites that seemed to use these ‘murders’ as the centerpiece for their arguments about the ‘fascist state’ etc. Generally, they wouldn’t even acknowledge the possibility of other explanations because, it seemed, they didn’t fit into their overall thesis. The same applied to more conservative sites that would dismissively refer to the suicides without even acknowledging why the suicides seemed so unlikely to so many people (the German government had spent years emphasizing how Stammheim prison was the most secure prison in the world and then people were asked to believe that the terrorists had managed to smuggle not one but TWO guns into the prison, with which they committed suicide.)

It seemed to me that the controversy surrounding the deaths was as important to discuss, or at least acknowledge, as the deaths themselves. And in fact to NOT acknowledge the centrality of the controversy is an indicator of the bias of the source. I’m not trying to say I’m not biased; everybody is biased. I have just tried to explore the German terrorist era from a sociological perspective and not from my own political perspective.

But ultimately the major reason I put the site up was because like a lot of subjects in the early years of the Internet, it was woefully unexplored on-line and I felt I had the chance to create the definite source. Nowadays if you type “Andreas Baader” into a Google search, you will get 49,000 pages returned to you. I can still remember my very first Alta Vista web search in 1996 which turned up just 14 references!

3AM/Andrew Stevens Of late, there has been a resurgence of interest in Baader-Meinhof — some of it through the whole ‘Prada Meinhof’/terror chic exploitation by the fashion industry, others through nostalgia — what do you make of this as an author dealing with the historical and sociological context of the gang itself? Is there anything you’ve come across in your research to explain this fascination and retreat into nostalgia?

Richard Huffman Prada-Meinhof and other manifestations of the recent resurgence in “coolness” of the Baader-Meinhof Gang troubles me somewhat, but it also offers a sort of odd proof that Germany has clearly moved beyond that era.

Baader-Meinhof was always a cool and hip reference point. The ‘Wanted’ poster with Meinhof in her Ray Ban Wayfarers; the crushed velvet pants that Baader wore; the group was in many ways hip personified. I argue on my web site (with admittedly little proof!) that the Baader-Meinhof Gang’s supposed preference for the BWM 2002 models (thus earning them the common nickname “Baader-Meinhof Wagen”) was a significant reason that BMW emerged from the their late 60s doldrums as an almost bankrupt, dowdy car maker, into the hip carmaker of the 70s and 80s. The cars didn’t change that much, but the perception of them did; helped to a certain degree by the association with the notorious yet hip outlaws.

The recent wave of nostalgia began about five years ago in conjunction with several anniversaries of events from that era. June 2 1997 marked the 30th anniversary of the killing of Benno Ohnesorg, whose death at the hands of Berlin police created a martyr for the movement. September and October of 1997 marked the 20th anniversary of the “German Autumn” which saw the kidnapping of a prominent German industrialist, the hijacking of a German plane (and eventual rescue of all the passengers), and the suicides of the imprisoned leadership of the Baader-Meinhof Gang. There were TV specials, magazine covers, and whole reams of books printed. Then, in early 1998, the last lingering remnants of the Red Army Faction (the true name of the Baader-Meinhof Gang), issued a communiqué officially dissolving themselves.

All of these demonstrated pretty clearly that the era was over. That’s when a lot of the pop culture references began to crop up. In many ways I find them extremely sick. I think of the four-year old American boy who watched as authorities piled up parts of his dad’s body into pillowcases at the Heidelberg Army base where the Baader-Meinhof Gang had set off two car bombs. I’ve spoken with family members of victims and it is hard for me to put that out of my mind when presented with a hip Baader-Meinhof reference.

I’ve had many, MANY people ask for me to sell on my site copies of the famous Wanted posters, bumper stickers, etc. It seems to me inappropriate, but then again I have a big copy of the poster right on the wall in my office; who am I to judge myself better than others? I recently e-mailed a copy of the poster to a guy in the UK who is silk-screening the image onto his motorcycle. It seemed relatively harmless…

Ultimately the whole “Prada-Meinhof” phenomenon is probably a good thing, because it shows that people are so far removed from the era that the iconography has become just a hip commodity. I seriously doubt that any woman buying a “Prada-Meinhof” shirt thinks terrorism is cool; in fact I seriously doubt that this woman has done much thinking about the issue at all. That couldn’t have happened in the 70s, 80s, or very early 90s, when Germany was still very much terrorised.

3AM/Andrew Stevens There is, of course, a school of thought that Baader-Meinhof, in comparison to the deaths incurred at the hands of the West during that period of the Cold War, killed few people, and some of those they did kill had in fact committed war crimes. How do you respond to this? Similarly, some have argued that it was an essential cathartic process for the German psyche for it to come to terms with its role in WW2, partition as East and West, and the continued presence of NATO in West Germany.

Richard Huffman When the RAF disbanded in April of 1998, their communiqué ended by listing the 26 members who had been killed since 1970. Left out of that communiqué were the 25 or so victims. Mostly their victims were either individuals carefully selected for their ties to the state, or they were US Army personnel, who were not typically selected individually, but happened to be in the radius of a bomb explosion.

For the Red Army Faction, these victims were all combatants in their war. Cops that were killed were representatives of the state. Hanns-Martin Schleyer, the industrialist they kidnapped and later killed in 1977, was a former Nazi; an important distinction to the group. In comparison to the level of suffering brought at the hands of America in Vietnam, Chile, Guatemala, El Salvador, and other places during the cold war, the suffering caused by the Baader-Meinhof Gang was relatively slight. I think putting the actions of the gang members in the context of the Cold War is the ONLY way to understand their actions. It doesn’t excuse murder though, just as the brinksmanship of the Cold War doesn’t excuse the deaths of 50,000 Guatemalans or 1,000,000 Vietnamese at the hands of the United States.

Immediately prior to serving in Berlin, my dad ran the largest ammunition dump in the world, just outside of Saigon. 95% of all ordnance and ammunition used in Vietnam in the year from around March of 1969 to March of 1970 passed through my Dad’s hands. You could argue that the blood of around 150,000 Vietnamese is on my father’s hands. Had the bomb that was set to kill him in Berlin’s Templehof airport been successful, you could argue that he was a victim of the Vietnam War. And I probably wouldn’t have argued with that. It doesn’t justify their actions, but it goes a long way to explaining them. It’s interesting to note that the group received a lot of flak from leftists and even other European terror groups for an early 80s incident in which one of the female members of the group enticed an American servicemen with promises of companionship, only to kill him for his ID card (which was used to enter his base and plant bombs). The major argument of the leftists and other groups was that they shouldn’t have killed him; he could have been tied up and released; it was an unnecessary killing which was bad for the movement. I personally think you could have made a similar argument for all of their attacks though. I also find it baffling that some methods of killing were considered good and some evil, and somehow this particular killing had crossed the line.

Unfortunately for the Baader-Meinhof Gang, their war on the United States, capitalism, and the fascist underbelly of the West German state had absolutely no favourable impact in the way that they had hoped. They didn’t usher in a revolution. But they did fundamentally change German society and, for better or for worse, helped West Germany shake off the remnants of World War II and mature as a nation. One of the reasons that the Baader-Meinhof Gang was so successful in eluding the police in the early 1970s was that Germany was essentially structured as a very loose confederation of states, with no real national police force and little cooperation between the states. It was very much akin to the United States in the 1920s, prior to the advent of the FBI. The Baader-Meinhof Gang was the driving force behind the rapid expansion of the BKA, which until then had only served as essentially border patrol for Germany. Afterwards they had broad powers throughout the states. Germany also passed broad new anti-terrorist laws, which just like in the United States now, were mostly used against left-leaning undesirables and not terrorists.

3AM/Andrew Stevens The experiences and role played by your father clearly brought about your interest in Baader-Meinhof, do you think the possibility of his fatality could have had any effect on your stated desire to be objective and balanced in your writing?

Richard Huffman Totally. I would have been a completely different person. Of the families of victims that I’ve talked to, many of these people’s lives have become defined by the deaths of their parents; I doubt that I would have been any different. But the fact that my father doesn’t seem to particularly care about these people that tried to kill him — or more accurately the fact that he doesn’t spend any time thinking about — it helps me to not get particularly riled up about it. On the complete flipside, I am a pretty left-leaning guy and am fairly horrified by what George W.Bush is doing; I consider it to be as big of a challenge to be objective in regards to the general political bent of the Baader-Meinhof Gang — politics that I tend to share or sympathize with — as it is a challenge for me to be objective about their killings.

3AM/Andrew Stevens Regardless of one’s stance on the gang’s activities, the German state didn’t react in a judicious manner to the prosecution of those involved. Do you think the role of the showtrial has had an enduring effect on the group’s historical and cultural legacy? The only thing in England that came close to an Anglo Baader-Meinhof was the Angry Brigade and its showtrial in 1972, this being grossly disproportionate to either the group’s crimes or the threat they posed. By the same token, people now look back at the Symbionese Liberation Army as a joke — why do you think Baader-Meinhof/Red Army Faction carried on so long in comparison?

Richard Huffman The German state’s response to the Baader-Meinhof Gang served to greatly legitimize them and in many ways it was, as you suggest, a disproportionate response. Germans who might have thought of the Baader-Meinhof Gang as an annoying subtext to their society learned from the Stammheim trial and the Lex Baader-Meinhof (revisions to the “Basic Law” of West Germany that limited civil liberties) that their Government felt the group to be the country’s biggest threat. With 25-30 years hindsight, it is remarkable how little relative death and destruction was wrought by the group during the 1970s and how massive the German response was. How could one be dismissive of the group when the German government was putting so much energy into stopping them? We have this habit in America of calling certain trials “the Trial of the Century” from the Scopes Monkey trial to the OJ Simpson trial. But none of them hold a candle to the Baader-Meinhof trial. The thing stretched out for over a year. Dozens of judges and lawyers. The government secretly, illegally taping the prisoners. Extraordinary (yet completely ineffectual) searches of defense lawyers. The presiding judge filtering information illegally to other judges (who passed it along to the press). A specially-built courtroom right on the grounds of the prison. To call the trial a spectacle doesn’t do it justice!

The reasons that the Baader-Meinhof Gang/Red Army Faction continued on for so long are diverse; they had as much to do with inertia as with anything. The reason that they are a more “legitimate” group than the SLA is because, I believe, they were more representative of a legitimate, though extremely radical line of thought in their society. There were many groups like the SLA active in America (George Jackson Brigade, Weather Underground, etc.) The Weather Underground was the most effective (and the closest in thought and action to the Baader-Meinhof Gang), but they are all relegated to footnotes in our history because they were not representative enough of a larger line of thought in American society, and they were more effectively and quickly shut down by US Federal Agents and local law enforcement.

3AM/Andrew Stevens Much of what came out of the 60s and into the 70s was either people getting carried away with their own rhetoric (Up Against The Wall in New York) or people just having a laugh (Mick Farren and the White Panthers). Obviously Baader-Meinhof put their politics into action, but do you feel they were inept in many ways and were just repeating worn-out cod radical cliches?

Richard Huffman I’m not so sure I would call them inept… The German police forces were fairly inept early on, which gave the group the freedom to explore the limits of their radicalism. I suspect that had the group robbed a couple of banks in early 1970 and then got caught; the entire escalation of violence wouldn’t have necessarily happened. In many respects these folks were very similar to other groups, like the ones that you mentioned, who clearly got caught up in their own rhetoric.

But looking at the Baader-Meinhof era in the context of the German student movement of the 60s paints their activities in a more generous light. As is typical for Germans, students in the 60s had spent much of their energies endlessly debating turning their radical Marcusian arguments into “praxis”; the Baader-Meinhof Gang became important because they were living the reality of a radical vanguard that so many students had argued for. I think one of the main reasons that the Red Army Faction seems so much more effective and prominent, than say, Italy’s Red Brigades (which had approximately 100 times the number of actions than the RAF undertook) was that they were putting into action exactly what a generation of students had argued was necessary for the Revolution in their society, in that uniquely German student way. In other words, a significant percentage of the population had been well prepped for a Baader-Meinhof Gang to come into existence; to be ready to accept a group like them as a legitimate vanguard. Even to middle-of-the-road Germans, the politics that they were espousing, while disagreeable, was legitimate.

3AM/Andrew Stevens The group received tactical support from the (East German) authorities in the GDR, that is well-known, but doesn’t this strike you as ironic in some ways?

Richard Huffman What’s interesting about the Baader-Meinhof era was that so many cold-warrior analysts assumed that all left-wing terrorism was a grand Communist conspiracy orchestrated directly from Moscow. In reality, Moscow wanted absolutely nothing to do with these movements. But what shocked everyone was the revelations after the fall of the Berlin Wall that the GDR had housed about 10 Red Army Faction members, and in some cases provided training and weapons for further attacks back in West Germany. The GDR kept this a secret from Moscow and everyone else; and in many ways seems to have been a pet project of a select few in the corrupt GDR leadership.

One of the great ironies of the creation of the Berlin Wall in 1961 was that it effectively shut off daily interaction with East Germany for young westerners (especially West Berliners). Fuelled by frustration over the cold war and the Coca-Cola society that they lived in, many West German students began to view East Germany as a bit of a paradise, or at least a more perfectly-realised German society. Because the Berlin Wall prevented them from being exposed to the oppressive Government, the shortages, and the corruption, many of these young West Germans looked happily towards the East. Reports to the contrary were pretty much always dismissed as Western propaganda. When those members fled to the East, in many ways they felt they were fleeing into a better society. For an absolutely first rate accounting of this I highly recommend Volker Schloendorff’s film The Legend of Rita.

3AM/Andrew Stevens Anyhow, what correspondence have you received in relation to the site over the years? Any hate mail or legal action?

Richard Huffman I haven’t gotten much hate mail. I have received some very thoughtful letters though. Early on, as I was researching the subject, I began to feel like a metaphorical ‘prisoner’ of the Baader-Meinhof Gang. So for fun I had a photo taken of myself somewhat mimicking the famous photo of an imprisoned, kidnapped Hanns-Martin Schleyer. A woman wrote me a fairly angry letter, indicating that she found the image to be in very poor taste and extremely disrespectful. I thought about it and realized that she was exactly right. I took the photo down.

I received a letter from a lawyer in Germany who apparently represented the interests of the remnants of the Socialist Patients’ Collective (SPK). Briefly, the SPK is this amazing sub-thread of the whole Baader-Meinhof story: a psychiatrist in Heidelberg believed that mental illnesses were caused by the excesses of capitalism, and the only real cure was glorious Revolutionary Socialism — this could ONLY have happened in Germany in the 60s and 70s!. They planned many low-level actions to “help” their illnesses. After the initial leadership of the Baader-Meinhof Gang was imprisoned in 1972, many former members of the SPK formed the nucleus of the next generation of the Baader-Meinhof Gang. Mental patients becoming terrorists to cure their mental disorders: you really cannot make something like that up. Anyway, this lawyer took offence to many parts of my web site. She was wrong, I didn’t change anything on my web site, and three years later I received another note from her thanking me for changing the web site. Perhaps she was one of the patients as well!

About half the comments I get from the site are from younger folks who think the Baader-Meinhof Gang are ‘cool’ and seem to assume that because I made a visually appealing site I find them and their actions ‘cool’ as well. I usually respond by trying to help them understand the difference between ‘cool’ and ‘fascinating’ and encourage them to go beyond the surface.

1999 Interview with Richard Huffman for Eye Magazine

Interview with Richard Huffman in the Eye Magazine in 1999

Sam Gaines/ Eye Magazine In the late-’60s and ’70s an underground revolutionary group existed in Germany known as the Baader-Meinhof Gang. Decades later, on September 16, 1999, Austrian police killed Baader-Meinhof member Horst Ludwig Meyer in a Vienna shoot-out that started when he and his wife, Andrea Martina Klump, disarmed a Viennese policewoman. His wife was taken into custody. Were these the last two remaining members of the gang? Both were fugitives in hiding believed to be involved in assassinations and bombings-Klump herself is linked to the 1989 murder of Deutsche Bank executive Alfred Herrhausen.The shoot-out that led to Horst Ludwig Meyer’s demise transpired a year and a half AFTER the Baader-Meinhof Gang announced, via fax to Reuters, the formal dissolution of the organization and its mission. But whether Left Wing or Right Wing, terrorism never really goes away.

Soon, author Richard Huffman will publish The Gun Speaks, the first definitive history of the Baader-Meinhof Gang written in English. Huffman’s research is exhaustive, but his first encounter with the group was as a boy in Berlin, where his father headed the U.S. Army’s very busy Explosive Ordnance Disposal unit.

The story of Horst Meyer’s death and the capture of his wife, both 43 at the time, received worldwide media coverage since both were reputed members of the Red Army Faction (RAF), one of the most notorious terrorist organizations of the 20th century. But the German press pegged a misnomer onto the organization back in the early ’70s-the Baader-Meinhof Gang (BMG)-and the name still sticks today.

For three decades, the Baader-Meinhof Gang stood at the vanguard of a war of terror against the powers that be. Industrialists, corporate heads, and government officials were their primary targets, but many of their victims were ordinary citizens and American soldiers. More than 30 people were killed by Baader-Meinhof bombs and bullets, with millions of dollars’ worth of property destroyed.

Author Richard Huffman’s strange engagement with Baader-Meinhof began long before the group’s last official statement in April 1998. His father, U.S. Army Col. Chuck Huffman, headed up the Berlin Brigade’s Explosive Ordnance Disposal unit at a time when explosive ordnance detonation was a regular occurrence in Germany. The pending publication of Richard Huffman’s book, The Gun Speaks: the Baader-Meinhof Gang and the Postwar German Decade of Terror, will tell the story of the organization’s reign of terror, and one man’s remarkable intersection with one of this century’s most fascinating-and violent-underground organizations.

In the spring of 1972, 3-year-old Richard Huffman was whiling away his morning in Berlin’s Kinder Keller (“Children’s Cellar”) as his mother attended an officer’s club social at Harnack House. Mrs. Huffman and approximately 50 other officers’ wives were in the midst of their meals when a man approached the ranking officer’s wife and whispered into her ear: a bomb threat. Within moments, the women coolly filed out of the club. On her way out, Mrs. Huffman passed her husband, who was leading his bomb disposal unit in. Huffman’s unit was among the elite; only the British bomb disposal units, then very busy in Northern Ireland, ranked alongside.

Chuck Huffman’s unit defused the bomb-later attributed to Fritz Teufel’s radical Movement 2 June faction-with just 15 minutes remaining on the egg timer. All in a day’s work for the ordnance expert, to be sure, but it was the germinating seed for his son’s obsession with a tumultuous period of German history.

The roots of that interest took hold many years later, however, when Richard was an adult. What awaited his discovery-and in some ways, rediscovery-was a tormented period in German and European sociopolitical history. It was a time when “revolution” was more than a slogan and a bandwagon-it was a commitment, a gun, a bomb, and an all-too-real war against society. And it all started with the accidental 1967 death of Benno Ohnesorg, a very unfortunate young student.

In early 2000, Huffman will revisit Germany with his father with an eye toward continuing his research. I spoke with Richard about his research, his obsessions, and his impressions of the radical organization that continues to wield influence over his life.

Interview with Richard Huffman

Sam Gaines/Eye Magazine
Do you remember when your fascination with RAF/Baader Meinhof began?

Richard Huffman
I remember the exact instant. I happened to visit my father on his lunch break at work. He was having a conversation with a coworker about FBI efforts to catch the Unabomber. He made some disparaging remarks about the FBI bomb squad; I felt I had to take him to task. Who was he to call the FBI poorly trained? So he tells me and his friend about defusing Baader-Meinhof bombs in Berlin. I was only vaguely aware of Baader-Meinhof, but I looked into it, delving deeper and deeper, and I haven’t seen light for going on four years now.

Sam Gaines/Eye Magazine
The detail of your research is remarkable. How long has it taken you to gather all this together?

Richard Huffman
The vast majority of my research was conducted over a two-year period beginning about three and a half years ago. Here’s something that surprises many people: My German is pretty weak. I had the odd fortune of falling in love with a subject that was just narrow enough to allow me to read ALL of the English language documentation. It’s a lot of reading, but entirely doable in, say, two years. Two things conspire to make source documents from that era very tough to read. One is that the German language is very formal and patrician. Every noun is capitalized. One semi-ridiculous by-product of the German student movement of the ’60s was a movement against the patrician German punctuation. Students, and later terrorists, would write their tracts without capital letters anywhere. Ulrike Meinhof’s famous magazine konkret is the most obvious example. Anyway, this abhorrence of capital letters, coupled with stilted self-analysis “dialogue”-style communiqués, made reading the work of the terrorists tough for Germans. Imagine how tough it is for me while I am just learning the language.

Sam Gaines/Eye Magazine
The gang’s leader, Andreas Baader, was a violent, yet strangely compelling figure-a petty criminal, yet an opportunist who became a charismatic leader. Is there any analogy to be made from a “cult of personality” standpoint-say, similar to the role Charles Manson developed with his “Family”? Also, continuing with this probably unwieldy analogy-Manson and his Family are rightly reviled for their brutal deeds. Is the BMG similarly held in contempt in their native land, or has a certain romanticized notion of revolution colored perceptions of their legacy?

Richard Huffman
I wouldn’t compare him to Charlie Manson other than in very broad ways. Baader was unquestionably the leader of the group, but there were other strong leaders as well, particularly his girlfriend Gudrun Ensslin. What attracted people to the BMG was partially based on a true interest in some form of revolution based on real thinking. The only people in Germany who have romanticized notions of revolution were born after 1965. Most of the people who lived through the times and were old enough to understand them have not changed their tune about the BMG. If they were conservative, they hated them and continue to do so. If they were moderate to mildly liberal, they hated them because they were counterproductive. If they were radical, they probably supported them, and today still find ways to excuse their murders.

Sam Gaines/Eye Magazine
At your site, you mention that your father holds an “it-was-my-job” attitude toward his extraordinary presence-and courage-in Berlin at the time as head of bomb disposal for the army. How did he react when you brought up the idea of visiting Berlin together next year?

Richard Huffman
My dad is an interesting guy. The Army definitely picked the right guy when they gave him the super-security clearance that they gave him; my dad just did his job and didn’t seem interested in talking about it. He would laugh if I described his job as “courageous.” He is very interested in going back to Berlin with me, mostly to see his old haunts. I told him that I fully plan to introduce him to the guys who tried to kill him (and tried to kill my mom and me, too). His reaction was basically a shrug. I suspect that he thinks, “OK, that’ll take an afternoon, leaving me enough time to visit the Brandenburg Gate.”
My mom and brother both seem to love what I am doing. My mom will be joining me in Berlin as well next year; she’s more talkative and I suspect that she’ll fill me in on more background detail than my dad.

Sam Gaines/Eye Magazine
Let’s talk about the BMW success story you discuss on your site that could be linked to Baader-Meinhof. Supposedly, when the Gang started hot-wiring BMW 2002s, the “BMW” acronym became known as the Baader-Meinhof Wagen, and sales for the cars exploded. Eventually, the gang became so widely known for their 2002 hijacks, that they had to move on to different auto makes. Has the BMW company ever made any mention of it?

Richard Huffman
Well, no. I have looked into it carefully and think I make a good case. The company WAS faltering through the late-’60s. It’s cars WERE considered staid. After the Baader-Meinhof Wagen connection came about, the company DID acquire a new cachet. To be fair, no one else seems to make this connection and the numerous BMW 2002 fanatics who e-mail me seem to believe that it was their own personal faith in the Bayerische Motoren Werke that rescued the company and made BMWs cool. Who am I to argue with them? When I am in Munich next I plan to take the obligatory tour of the BMW factory, and I intend on cornering at least one official and hammering on him until he tells me that I am in fact correct, or begs for mercy, or both.

Sam Gaines/Eye Magazine
Regarding the June 1970 training of Red Army Faction members in a Palestinian military camp: was the inevitable culture clash a culprit in cutting the camp short, or were RAF’ers behaving badly?

Richard Huffman
Both. The Palestinians weren’t really into “training” Germans or any of the other visitors to their Jordan camps. They basically would give their visitors the summer camp version of the training regimen-let them shoot some Kalis, throw some grenades, crawl under some barbed wire-and then send them home. It was hoped that the visitors would go home and get their friends to support the Palestinian cause both financially and emotionally. Well, Baader and his cadre would have none of this. They had “proven” themselves by burning down a department store, escaping from jail, injuring an elderly man-there was no way they were going to settle for the summer camp version. The exasperated Palestinians reluctantly agreed to give them real training. It is ironic that the Israelis were so frightened of the Palestinian terrorists; had they followed Baader’s lead and set about to annoy the Palestinians into submission, the entire Palestinian people would have probably packed up and moved to South America. Anyway, Baader and his cohort had absolutely no respect for their hosts. When the Palestinians grew tired of the group firing hundreds of rounds into the desert each day, they put the German proto-terrorists on ammo rations. The Germans retaliated by going on “strike.” Which was fine with the Palestinians, except the German women would then sunbathe naked on the roofs of their living quarters in full sight of shocked Palestinians. You can imagine how this went over. Much of the history of the Baader-Meinhof Gang describes a very lucky group of Germans. They managed to escape from situations through sheer bald luck and blind stupidity, and Jordan was no exception. Had the Germans not behaved so badly, they probably would have not been forced to leave by the Palestinians. Had they stayed, they certainly would have been killed the following month when King Hussein mowed over the training camps in what came to be know as Black September (the Black September terrorists of Munich 1972 were named after this).

Sam Gaines/Eye Magazine
Was there a quality of personal obsession to Horst Herold’s hunt for RAF and other terrorist groups? Was he something of a J. Edgar Hoover for the Bundeskriminalamt (BKA)?

Richard Huffman
Horst Herold could be compared to J. Edgar Hoover in that he was the driving force behind the BKA becoming a centralized police force similar to the FBI. He certainly developed an odd obsession with Baader, going so far as to claim that “Baader is the only man who has ever really understood me, and I am the only man who has ever really understood him.” In retirement, Herold lived in a heavily guarded house as he was assumed to be the No. 1 target of terrorists. He would often compare his “imprisonment” to the imprisonment of the BMG terrorists in Stammheim-Stuttgart prison. No reports of him wearing women’s clothing though.

Sam Gaines/Eye Magazine
The relationship between the RAF and the media is fascinating. The conservative Springer Press seems at least partly responsible for spreading misinformation about Baader-Meinhof’s involvement in some violent incidents. Do you think this may have ironically enhanced the group’s image? Conversely, might coverage of Baader-Meinhof and other radical terrorist groups have aided the Springer Press’ publishing prominence (and, of course, their sales)?

Richard Huffman
They absolutely, unequivocally fed on each other. The Springer papers were already prominent before the decade of terror, but Baader et al provided a perfect bogeyman to continue to stir up the public. The whole Springer coverage looks a lot different in hindsight than it must have looked in the early ’70s. Looking back, it is clear that it was actually quite accurate, if over zealous. In fact, the Springer papers did themselves a tremendous disservice often by taking their stories one step further than necessary, because it made them easy target of influential liberal critics. The most famous instance occurred just before Christmas 1971 when the Köln edition of Bild ran the headline “Baader-Meinhof Murders On.” Bild assumed that a recent murder of a cop during a bank raid was done by Baader-Meinhof Gang members, and ran the headline as such. It was clearly a wrong thing to do, as Heinrich Böll pointed out two weeks later in Der Spiegel, because all of the evidence had not been gathered yet. But forgotten in this story is that Bild was later proven correct: the death WAS at the hands of Baader-Meinhof members. Because of the Springer Press’s own zeal, intellectuals like Böll were able to turn terrorists like the Baader-Meinhof Gang into martyrs for civil rights abuses.

Sam Gaines/Eye Magazine
Was the 1998 announcement from Germany’s FBI, BKA, via Reuters that the RAF was finally disbanding considered an inevitability, the culmination of an organization in decline, or was there an element of surprise in reactions to the announcement?

Richard Huffman
I think the only surprise on anyone’s part was that the RAF actually went to the trouble of making an announcement. Save for one very large bombing in 1994, the group had essentially been defunct for almost a decade. But for a group who followed up everything, EVERYTHING, with a communiqué, should we have been surprised to see an 8-page single-spaced self-serving fax float across Reuters’ fax machine?

Sam Gaines/Eye Magazine
I want to talk about the dynamic by which the peaceful student protests of 1967-8 became the violent terrorist organizations of a year later. Did that transformation occur because opportunists like Andreas Baader seized upon the frustrations of disillusioned student leftists? What role did the martyrdom of Benno Ohnesorg play? And do some combination of those and other factors explain that evolution of peaceful student organizations into well-armed terrorists?

Richard Huffman
You are bringing up one of the most common misconceptions of the narrative. Though the student protest movement and the terrorist groups are inexorably linked, it is a little unfair to say that the terror groups were directly transformed from the student groups. If you look at the makeup of the Baader-Meinhof Group you’ll see a diverse group of people: Baader never completed high school, Meinhof was out of school for 10 years, Ensign was sometimes a student, and then there were a bunch of followers who were more often than not NOT students. Their attraction to the Group was probably equal parts sexual intrigue, a desire to defy social norms, a desire to party, and a vague commitment to radical causes. Benno Ohnesorg’s death was quite simply the catalyst of the terrorist movement. It was as important as the Kent State massacre, but with more insidious effects. You could actually tie the entire terrorist movement to that fateful night on June 2, 1967, when the Berlin police decided that the Shah of Iran didn’t need to see German kids protest his presence. A young German girl, Gudrun Ensslin, witnessed the killing. She wandered into the SDS (a German student union unrelated to the American SDS) headquarters the following night. She screamed that the people who killed Ohnesorg-her parents’ generation-“were the Auschwitz generation! You cannot argue with them! Violence must be met with violence!” It was Gudrun’s passion that would later inspire a talented German journalist named Ulrike Meinhof to give up the bourgeois trappings that she felt so guilty about and become a terrorist (Meinhof was out shopping for furniture for her fashionable Hamburg home while Ohnesorg was lying in a street, blood pooled around his head). It was Gudrun’s passion that would prompt the big-talking Andreas Baader to actually turn his talk into action; it was either put up or shut up.

Sam Gaines/Eye Magazine
A few innocent persons were killed by police in pursuit of Baader-Meinhof. Were there any legal, legislative, or political repercussions to these accidents?

Richard Huffman
Generally, no. One notorious case involved, I believe, a young Scottish businessman. The police burst into his apartment, acting on a tip, and ended up shooting and killing him. They later claimed that he was somehow connected to the BMG, but they never actually said in what way. And since he was dead, he never had a trial to prove his innocence. In legislative terms, the German government progressively clamped down on what Americans would consider basic civil rights. It is important to note that most Germans were quite comfortable with these efforts. After all, they were “stopping the terrorists.”

Sam Gaines/Eye Magazine
Some of the penalties meted out to some members of Movement 2 June and RAF for violent crimes seem rather light, given the gravity of their crimes and their stated commitment to violent revolution. Was German criminal law fairly liberal in its sentencing at the time?

Richard Huffman
Yes and no. Generally German sentences were light compared to American sentences, but then America has the most stringent sentencing laws of any Western nation. What’s more intriguing is how so many prisoners were given early releases in exchange for vague statements “renouncing” terrorism. To me what this actually did was constantly put the limelight on the terrorists, well beyond the time when they would have otherwise been forgotten. When Irmgard Möller, who killed three American servicemen in Heidelberg, was let out of prison in 1994 after 22 years in prison, she was the longest-serving German woman in any German prison. To many Americans, 22 years seemed awfully brief for three lives. For many Germans, it seemed about right. Go figure.

Sam Gaines/Eye Magazine
What was the relationship between the cultural radical Left and the political/militant radical Left?

Richard Huffman
So many of the bourgeois left-derisively called the Schikeria [Chic Left] or the “Raspberry Reich”-lived vicariously through the actions of the terrorists. They simply could not turn down requests for help from the terrorists, and after fulfilling a seemingly innocent request, found themselves forced to fulfill more and more dangerous and illegal requests, or be turned in to the police for consorting with terrorists-in other words, blackmail.

Sam Gaines/Eye Magazine
You note on the web site the Spiegel article about bringing the children of key German Leftists back to the site of the June 2, 1967, Benno Ohnesorg killing for the 30th anniversary of that event. Do you know what became of the children of Ensslin, Meinhof, or any of the other RAF, 2 June, or RZ members?

Richard Huffman
Ensslin had one son with the semi-famous writer Bernward Vesper (who committed suicide in the early ’70s). Felix Vesper, or a fictional representation of him, was a major character in the Von Trotta film Die Blierne Zeit, which was the lightly fictionalized account of Gudrun Ensslin and her sister. At the end of the film someone horribly burns Vesper, presumably because of his terrorist lineage. The film never makes clear if this was a true event or not. If it was, it is truly a despicable act. Someone e-mailed me claiming that Felix Vesper was running for some form of a government post last year on the Greens’ ticket. But he never e-mailed me back with supporting info. One of Meinhof’s twin daughters wrote a book about her mother five years ago. They’re around and I hope to interview them next year (hopefully their English is better than my German!) Most of the other RAF, M2J and RZ members have faded into ordinariness.

Fritz Teufel is probably the saddest to me. Here was this guy who was a prominent student leader at Berlin’s Free University, which was ground zero of the German student movement. He was a leader of Kommune I, the notorious commune that was constantly in the press in 1967-1969. He later became a terrorist with Movement 2 June (and tried to kill my dad!), and would have probably been the most famous terrorist in Germany had Meinhof not lent her famous name to the BM cause (Teufel’s name, which means “Devil” would have helped too). So what is 55-year-old Teufel doing now? Riding around as a bike messenger. It’s kind of sad.

Sam Gaines/Eye Magazine
Recently there’s been news of renewed terrorism by the Red Brigade in Italy (the murder of a governmental labor advisor, if memory serves), and possibly similar violent actions in Greece. Is radical terrorism of one form or another “here to stay” in Europe? Why hasn’t it taken hold in the United States to the same extent-or do you think it might?

Richard Huffman
I assume that you are referring to radical left-wing terrorism. Yes, I think that some form of radical terrorism will always exist; it is the last bastion of political discourse and it can make six people seem as powerful as six million. That said, terrorism clearly comes on a pendulum. It swings back and forth between right-wing and left-wing. It seems we are now seeing the tail end of the right-wing terrorism in some European countries, and with the rise of globalization of corporations, a whole new evil has arisen for unempowered young people to hate. So maybe we are about to see a new era of left-wing terrorism. But I might be wrong. I was pretty certain that the Seattle Mariners were going all the way last year. As for why terrorism like the European flavor hasn’t taken hold in America, well, I think a lot of it boils down to effective police forces, and a political and economic system that is more open than in these other countries. I am basically a true Lefty, so I always feel weird saying this, but America is just plain freer.

Interview: Stefan Aust, Author of Der Baader-Meinhof Komplex

In the world of Baader-Meinhof scholarship, there is Stefan Aust, and there is everyone else. Simply the most important observer of the Baader-Meinhof era, Aust returns to the Baader-Meinhof subject with the April 2008 publication of an English language update to his seminal book “the Baader-Meinhof Komplex.

Aust came to study the Baader-Meinhof group through the most direct of ways: a colleaque of Ulrike Meinhof’s, Aust eventually replaced her as editor of the left wing magazine konkret. After Meinhof went on the run, Aust played a small but critical part in the saga by helping rescue her twin daughters and returning them to their father. Aust went on to a distinguished career as editor of Der Spiegel, Germany’s most important newsmagazine.

Throughout his journalism career, Aust was equally devoted to exploring the Red Army Faction, the group that his former colleague Ulrike Meinhof had helped kickstart. Aust published “Der Baader-Meinhof Komplex” in the mid 1980s, a stunning, almost day-by-day account of the known activities of the group. The impact of the work was profound, perhaps mostly on leftists. Aust’s work conclusively showed the likelihood that Andreas Baader, Gudrun Ennslin, and Jan-Carl Raspe almost certainly commited suicide on “Death Night.” Prior to the publication of Aust’s book, it had been a given among leftists that the group was murdered by the state.

Aust followed up this by writing a superb, award-winning film called Stammheim, exploring the trial of the Baader-Meinhof in Stuttgart-Stammhein prison. Later Aust directed a two-part documentary about the group for German television; still the very best documentary available about the group. Throughout the year’s, Aust’s Der Spiegel magazine published dozens of articles about the group, offering new insight into that passionate era. And last year saw the release of “Der Baader-Meinhof Complex,” an amazing Oscar-nominated film of Aust’s book, written by Aust and directed by Uli Edel.
In late March of 2008 I corresponded with Aust.

Richard Huffman Given your background as an editor of konkret and your previous friendship with Ulrike Meinhof, I’ve always wondered how the original version of your book was received by the left when it first came out. Though you did not explicitly state it at the time, your book very conclusively seemed to demonstrate that the strange deaths in Stammheim prison were in fact suicides; yet it seems to be an article of faith amongst leftists that Baader, Ensslin, and Raspe were murdered. How was your book received by the left at the time? And has that changed with the new edition, especially now that you clearly state that their deaths were suicides?
Stefan Aust When the book first came out in 1985, a lot of copies were being bought by RAF members who were sitting in jail. Some of them learned about the first generation of the group mainly by reading the book. But that didn’t stop them – or their sympathizers – from being very critical of it. On a talk show, Hans Christian Ströbele, who was a former RAF lawyer and later a member of parliament (The Green Party), said that Baader and Meinhof would roll over in their graves if they read the book.

There were two major points against the book: First, I made it quite clear that all my research had led me to conclude that the strange deaths in Stammheim were suicides. Despite the skepticism surrounding the official investigation, there were no signs of involvement by anyone from the outside. The second critical point was that I humanized the revolutionaries. Critics called that an un-political approach. In fact, from a different angle, it was the same argument that came from the political right: I made human beings out of murderers.

After more than 20 years I now have the feeling that even people from the left see the book as a rather fair and correct work of journalism. Now their main argument is that the book has the “Deutungshoheit” about the subject – which means something like opinion leadership about the subject of RAF-Terrorism.

Richard Huffman I’m often struck by the number of people who romanticize the leaders of the RAF, without understanding the devastation that they wrought. The Baader-Meinhof Complex, the Oscar-Nominee movie that you wrote last year, was accused of glorifying terrorism. What are your thoughts about those criticisms? Is there even a way to portray the Baader-Meinhof saga without being accused of glorifying or romanticizing terrorism?
Stefan Aust The moment you write or make films about groups like the RAF you support their “immorality.” I wanted to portray this group as accurately as possible. It would be impossible for a book reader or film viewer to understand why so many people followed them if they were portrayed only as villains and criminals. It was their charisma that made them so dangerous. One of the reasons why we showed the group’s bombings and killings in such detail was that we wanted to explain what terrorism really is: the terror and killing of people— of human beings— not of lifeless “character masks.” The aim was to make viewers understand why people of such high moral standards turned into ruthless killers, how “hyper moral” turned into immorality.

Richard Huffman Do you see any homegrown, leftwing terrorist movements taking root in Europe or America again? I’ve often felt that one of the reasons that the Baader-Meinhof Group was able to rise to prominence early in the 70s was partially because of ineffective police work. It seems to me that in the modern climate, particularly since 9/11, it would be extremely hard for any band of urban revolutionaries to wage a similar war without being quickly caught. Do you agree? What kind of left-wing radical movement COULD succeed?
Any kind of terrorist activity is always a part of a bigger radical movement. A terrorist group can evolve only when a bigger radical movement of any kind exists – left, right, nationalist or religious. Organizations like al Qaeda can only function from inside a global Islamist movement. Similarly the RAF was a part of the radical left in Germany, at least in the beginning. And only if this terrorist group is imbedded in a major movement can it have enough supporters to operate for a longer period of time. The members of the RAF were mainly arrested because normal people – even leftists – called the police. The enormous buildup of the police and the security agencies in Germany could not have been as effective without the cooperation of the people.
The only way for a left-wing radical movement to succeed is by using the power of convincing the people rather than employing violence of any kind.

Richard Huffman I think the single hardest concept for me–an American living in the early 21st century–to understand is the notion that the members of the RAF felt that by attacking the state, and having the state respond with massive retaliation, that there would be an enormous number of German people who would then take up their cause and overthrow the state. It just seems utterly delusional, especially coming from clearly intelligent people. How could they get to the point where this seemed rational?
Stefan Aust I can only quote Ulrike Meinhof who often said, “wie kommt die Dummheit in die Intelligenz?,” which means “how can stupidity invade intelligence?” The first mistake the RAF made was not seeing reality. For me the whole struggle from the very beginning of my research was to realizing that the RAF had a quasi-religious character more than a rational political character. To think that in Germany the masses would overthrow the capitalist system was completely irrational. I cannot believe that they really believed that. Rather, they acted like political or religious martyrs to show that the state was as brutal as they thought it was. It was an experiment with their own – and others – lives.

Richard Huffman What was Ulrike Meinhof like as a person before going underground? Reading her konkret essays in chronological order, I am struck by how much more hardened, desperate, and humorless she became in her later columns. Was she like that in her personal life? Did she have fun and socialize? Did she seem like she had an internal conflict?
Stefan Aust Ulrike was a very impressive person. She was well-educated and could get her point across very convincingly. At the same time she was quite an intolerant individual who thought she knew things better than others. If someone did not agree with her views then this person was considered “unpolitisch”, un-political. She also had a depressive personality. She suffered under the injustice of the world. And sometimes I had the feeling that she was kind of masochistic. Take a look at the letter she wrote in prison “A hypocritical bitch from the ruling class” (on page 203).
However, people of the liberal movement adored her, and she socialized a lot during her time in Hamburg and with konkret, where at this time she wrote about the poor, about people in sweat shops and in prison. In the end she could not live in these two worlds. When she went to Berlin she grew more and more depressed. Ultimately, I think her involvement in the RAF was due to many personal and psychological reasons.

Richard Huffman Tell me about having your work realized on the big screen. Were you a major part of the production of “the Baader-Meinhof Complex” during its filming? I was particularly struck by the production design; it seemed simply perfect, especially the Free University rally (editor’s note; I meant the Technical University… ugg!), and the Stammheim scenes (though I couldn’t help but notice that the BMW 2002 used for the 1971 Petra Schelm shooting scene was a 1974 BMW!). Did the film come out the way you had hoped? What was it like to see someone playing yourself on screen?
Stefan Aust I wrote a first draft of the script that Bernd Eichinger subsequently finalized. We discussed every scene of the film and used a lot of photos and film footage in order to be as accurate as possible. For example, in the scene where Rudi Dutschke was at the Vietnam Congress, the actor wore the same exact shirt that the real Rudi had worn. We shot the scenes at the Technische Universität Berlin in the original Audimax. We shot the scenes for the visit of the Shah in front of the real Berlin Opera, the Stammheim scenes were shot in the original Stammheim court room, the dialogues in prison are from the original transcript, etc. So we tried to be as accurate as possible. But there are certainly mistakes. For example, I do not know whether the BMW is authentic or not – but I have the impression the helicopter over Stammheim prison is a later model.

It was funny to see an actor playing my part. Let my put it this way: I did not know that I was so attractive then. I’m also afraid that the actors are actually more attractive than the originals were.

Richard Huffman A lingering question about the deaths in Stammheim: You make a definitive case for the likelihood that the prisoners committed suicide. I’ve never understood how the officers on duty failed to hear the three gunshots. Having seen the layout of the prison block in both of your Baader-Meinhof films (“Stammheim” and “The Baader-Meinhof Complex”), I can’t understand how these shots could not have been heard. Am I missing something?
Stefan Aust That is one of the mysteries. Not even the prisoners on the sixth floor directly under the high security tract heard anything. It would be interesting to test out whether shots can be heard from below.

Richard Huffman By my accounting, you’ve written (and revised twice) the definitive book about the Red Army Faction, you’ve written two major films about the group, produced a major TV documentary about the group, and have overseen dozens and dozens of retrospective articles in Der Spiegel about the group. Is this current revision of your book and the companion film the end of it for you? Do you see interest in the public or even your own interest in this subject continuing?
Stefan Aust If you open one door it leads to another. It is definitely not the end, and one of the mysteries that has not yet been solved is the question about whether the prisoners were wire-tapped in their cells. There is a lot of evidence that supports this but no definitive proof has been found so far. This would raise another question regarding whether there are any tapes of the suicide night, which is something that I am currently working on finding out.

Richard Huffman I was struck by the reaction of Juergen Ponto’s widow to the film. She was upset because she felt that the facts of her husband’s murder were incorrectly presented in the film. It seemed to me that her real quarrel was that her husband’s murderers were being brought up yet again in the popular culture without any acknowledgement of the devastation they created. It seems like the specific victims of the RAF are often completely forgotten about. Do you think the coverage of the RAF has focused too much on the romantic aspects of their story at the expense of the brutal violence that the utilized?
Stefan Aust The scenes about Ponto’s murder were written and filmed according to the verdict against Christian Klar and Brigitte Mohnhaupt. It was very close to reality, although the house and the interior looked different, and we did not shoot in the original Ponto villa. The more detailed the film would have been to the real scene, the more shocking it would have been to the family. Of course, it is always very hard for relatives to see the murder of loved ones represented and re-enacted onscreen. They always have a different memory of such a terrible experience, which is completely understandable and a natural problem of filmmaking. But this would mean that journalists and filmmakers would not be able to accurately portray the events as they really happened, so there really is no easy way out. If we would not have shown murder as murder and terror as terror the critics would have said that the film portrayed terrorism as harmless.